Concerned Nigerians, however, would not allow it to be forgotten that they gave the APC the position and the chance to rule on the basis of its pledges, including to “entrench true federalism and the federal spirit.” In response to persistent protests, the party established a 23-person Committee on Federalism in August 2017 under the leadership of Kaduna State Governor Nasir el-Rufai. Some people praised the action as beneficial for Nigeria, while others questioned its sincerity and dubbed it a distraction and merely a political ploy. The possibility that the APC will restore its honor was discussed. When given the four-volume report on January 25, 2018, party chairman John Oyegun promised, “I am going to promise that before the middle of February 2018, it will be considered and decided upon by the major structures of this party.” and whatever is subsequently decided would be given to the authorities as the thoughtful opinions and choices of the APC for proper implementation. Even a prominent APC member, Chief Olusegun Osoba, was quoted as saying, “The President endorses the outcome” following a meeting with Buhari on July 11, 2019. Buhari, though, had already stated his position the year before. In this regard, Mr. Lade Bonuola had to caution in a May 2, 2019 article that “there is not likely going to be any light at the end of the dark tunnel until Buhari dismounts from his high horse, throws away the toga of obstinacy, and reflects deeply on the ideas of his compatriots outside his immediate circle of advisers.” He must be convinced of the urgent need for the state police and for a restructuring of the nation.
The two promises from the aforementioned APC manifesto were somewhat reflected in the recommendations provided by the Nasir el-Rufai Committee. It purportedly looked at 24 matters of national importance and offered suggestions on 12. It was suggested that the party “propose a bill that allows states to merge,” that the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation, and Fiscal Commission Act be amended to give the commission the authority and responsibility to routinely review the derivation formula, and that the Second Schedule of Parts One and Two of the Constitution be amended to transfer some items that are currently out of the government’s purview. The committee on fiscal federalism stated that the majority of Nigerians favor raising state revenue. In order to “provide greater revenues to the states and reduce the Federal Government’s share of revenue,” it was suggested that Section 162 Subsection Two of the Constitution and the “revenue allocation of the revenue Federation Account Act” [sic] be changed. El-Rufai and his group advised that “police should be both federal and state” in relation to the State Police.
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The 1999 Constitution’s Section 224 states that a political party’s “goal and object” “must accord with the provisions of Chapter II” that outline the “fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy.” However, the way a political party implements its platform—what might be called the great purpose of government—is just as significant. The security and welfare of the people “must be the principal goal of government…” according to Section 14(2) (b). Whatever a government does within the law to further this goal and satisfy the needs of “the people” cannot help but be lawful. This is to categorically argue that the widespread and clamorous need for Nigeria to be restructured qualifies as “the principal objective of government” above all else. In fact, this publication has already indicated that the majority of the nation’s problems, including some groups’ yearning for secession, are only symptoms of a grotesquely unfair, wholly dysfunctional state structure masquerading as federalism. This is not at all the federalism that the rest of the civilized world knows, believes in, and practices.
The Action Democratic Party (ADP) cautioned Nigerians not to believe El-Report Rufai’s when it was presented to the party chairman in January 2018 because “the APC does not believe in state merger, resource control, or state police.” It might end up being proven correct. There can be no denying the APC government’s failure, as a matter of corporate honor, to keep even those few pledges on federalism with just a few months left in office. It is unfortunate.
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Nigeria is a federal republic by definition and by law. The work of restructuring Nigeria into a really federal form for purposefulness, productivity, and respectability is one that must be completed in due time, The Guardian believes without a shadow of a doubt. There are principally two reasons for this: One is that Nigeria toiled and made enormous progress in the development index before independence and up until 1966, when the military struck. At that time, Nigeria had a more federally constituted government. After 13 years of military control, a hastily put together Second Republic that lasted only four years, came to an end gradually. Two: No one can honestly deny that Nigeria has been declining significantly in most areas of development since 1984; the nation is not operating and is on the verge of crumbling, if not already a failed state. If Nigeria can be saved, as many Nigerians think it can, the first practical step is to change its structure because it hasn’t led to the outcomes that most Nigerians want. Thankfully, there is an abundance of authoritative studies and conferences with perfect recommendations, like the Nasir el-Rufai Committee’s report, which can be tapped, at little expense, to give the country the promise of a revitalized existence. As Victor Hugo once stated, “nothing is more powerful than an idea whose time has come.” No force on earth can stop it, either.
